Germany 1918-19: The Judeo-Bolshevik Revolution

“Of those identified as the ringleaders of the 1918-19 Bolshevik uprising, 73% were Jewish…”

European history is a long tale of revolt and revolution that has changed the course of our nations; England 1642-51, France 1789-99, Russia 1905 & 1917, and so on and so forth. Events such as these have been flash-points that historians often point to as being the drivers of great social change. The overthrow of the centuries-old English monarchy (only to be reinstated again a decade later), the progression of France into a fiercely secular, presidential democracy, the social reforms of 1905 in Russia and the eventual overthrow of the Tsar Alexander II in 1917 – each can claim its own importance, both for good and for bad.

However, one revolution that isn’t spoken about particularly often in historians’ circles, nor given the attention it deserves in educational institutions, is the German revolution of 1918-19. Perhaps because of other significant events of the time, such as the Armistice of November 1918 and the declaration of the republic in Wiemar, 1919, the events that occurred on the streets of Germany between these two events are often diminished in their relative importance. Having said that, historians (and history teachers especially) do like to point to the period during which the “right-wing nationalists” supposedly wreaked havoc on the streets of Berlin and Munich.

The fact of the matter is that the revolutionary events of the 1918-19 winter provide a context for the rise of Adolf Hitler and the NSDAP 15 years later. Many of the sentiments that existed in Germany at this time were not born out of some inherent prejudice or the need to blame, but rather they stemmed from those responsible for the civil war of 1918-19, as well as those – who were, in any case, the same individuals – responsible for the subversive anti-war efforts on the home front between 1914 and 1918.

The revolution grew out of an anti-war group that splintered from the SPD (Social Democratic Party) upon the outbreak of war in Europe in 1914. The Spartacus League as they were called consisted of those on the left of the SPD who were opposed to Germany’s war efforts. This group drew their ideas from the anti-imperialist teachings of Jewish Communist theorist Karl Marx, causing them to view their own nation – although many were foreign agents – as this great imperial power that must be stopped at all costs.

Except interestingly, those who were seen as the main instigators of particularly the violent uprising of January 1919 were not Germans at all. They were in fact Jewish. For instance, the founding members of the Spartacus League such as Paul Levi, Karl Liebenecht and Rosa Luxemberg were Jewish, with Luxemberg herself originating from the newly founded Soviet Union. Similarly, there was a large Jewish presence in what became known as the Bavarian Soviet Republic. When the last monarch of Bavaria, Ludwig III, was forced to abdicate in 1918, those who took power in the so-called revolution were primarily Jewish.

For example, there are figures such as Ernst Toller, Erich Mühsam and Gustav Landauer, all of whom were instrumental in the creation of the Bavarian Soviet Republic, and all of whom were Jewish. In fact, when one views the list of revolutionary ringleaders who attempted to bring Bolshevism to Germany in the aftermath of the first world war, it becomes apparent that the entire operation had a very Jewish flavour. 73% of the people who can be identified as such ringleaders were Jewish, with a number of them originating from and had been previously active in areas which had recently become the Soviet Union.

This of course will not be surprising to those who have studied the origins of the Russian “October revolution” of 1917. Upon Tsar Alexander II’s abdication in early 1917, the moderate social reformists had taken power. Aware that these people wished to continue the war against Germany, the German authorities successfully supported the subsequent coup of October the same year, in which the Bolshevik Party took power.

Again, this was a revolution with a very Jewish flavour. For example, 75% of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party – equivalent to a government cabinet in a parliamentary democracy – were Jewish, whilst just over 72% of the Council of the People’s Commissars were also Jewish, including Bronstein (Armed Forces portfolio) and Steinberg (Law & Justice) who used the Red Army and other various state security apparatus to terrorise minorities within their Soviet republic. Furthermore, 41 of the 61-member Central Executive Committee of the Bolshevik Party were Jews, amounting to 68% of this particular department.

Of course, the new regime brought about a swift peace with Germany in order to direct their forces to consolidating power at home. However, this subversion tactic used by the Germans in funding Jewish Bolshevism in Russia came back to haunt them, for now it was clear that they had lent support for the Bolshevik cause on German soil. This is evident from the number of Jewish and Soviet elements within the Spartacus League and the Bolshevik uprisings of the 1918-19 winter.

As has happened in the vast majority of communist takeovers around the world, the biggest enemies of this revolutionary movement in Germany became those often regarded as useful idiots in the Social Democratic Party. The Bolsheviks had used to party pre-WWI to advance their cause, before splintering off and becoming vehemently opposed to their support of the war effort. This led to tensions between former comrades that boiled over into violent conflict in the immediate aftermath of the November 1918 armistice.

On 9th November 1918, Firedrich Ebert of the Social Democratic Party was handed the chancellorship, tasked with negotiating peace with the western powers. Whilst this aim was supported by the Spartacus League of Bolshevik revolutionaries, the subsequent formation of a social democratic republic was not. It was the desire of this leftist former faction of the SPD to, as their comrades in the Soviet Union had done, seize the means of production and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. Boosted by their success in encouraging naval personnel to disobey orders, such as the famous mutiny of the night of the 29th October 1919 in Wilhelmshaven, the revolutionaries took up arms against the fragile new regime.

Thus a situation arose whereby the former allies of the Spartacus League, the SPD, became their most hated adversary. This was all the more compounded by the fact that the SPD were only too happy to rely on the nationalist Freicorps paramilitary units to quell the more revolutionary sentiments in Germany at that time. However, this proved to be a successful tactic in halting the Bolshevik movement in Germany, as the nationalists, along with the remnants of the Bundeswehr, defeated or imprisoned many of the key players. The two often referred to as the leaders of the “German” Bolshevik movement, Liebenecht and Luxemberg, were executed by the Freicorps in 1919.

Interestingly, this did not destroy completely the communist menace. The remaining Bolsheviks who were not imprisoned or executed in 1919 pursued the revolution via democratic means, and they were successful to the extent that they – the KPD (Communist Party) – became the second largest party in the Reichstag/Bundestag by the early 1930’s – only the National Socialists had greater public support. Following Germany’s defeat in the second world war, many of the communists involved in the upper echelons of the German Democratic Republic (GDR, East Germany) were in fact veterans of the 1918-19 civil war, such as Wilhelm Pieck, the first head of state of the GDR, as well as his successor Walter Ulbricht who led the GDR from 1960 until his death in 1973.

So in many respects, the SED (governing Socialist Unity Party of East Germany 1946-89) had its roots in the winter revolution of 1918-19, with many of the key proponents who escaped imprisonment or execution elevated into key roles of the East German administration. The SED was, after all, the official successor party of the KPD – which was banned by Adolf Hitler in 1933 in the aftermath of the Reichstag fire – along with the remnants of the Eastern branches of the SPD.

In 2007, Die Linke (the Left) was formed from a merger of the two successor parties of the SED. This modern reincarnation of Marxist politics in Germany is ideologically and historically rooted in the Spartacus League and the Judeo-Bolshevik revolution of 1918-19. Of course, it is today mostly populated by useful idiots as opposed to the Judeo-Bolsheviks of 1918, but nevertheless it has gained traction in German society, holding absolute control over at least one German federal state. It has many times shown nostalgia for the GDR and the communistic eras of German history, to the extent that the German security services were at one time monitoring over a third of Die Linke parliamentarians.

Once again, the Judeo-Bolshevik ideas of 1918 are rearing their ugly head in Germany – as if this was a nation that doesn’t have enough to deal with. Perhaps, before accepting these parties as legitimate political forces, people should take a lesson from history and acknowledge what a failure to deal with Judeo-Bolshevism can do to one’s society. One thing is for certain; the events of the past, in particular the passiveness which allows revolutionary ideas to take hold can sew the seeds for very drastic future consequences indeed, along with a literary of problems in the present.



William is a journalist based in the United Kingdom.